Bangkok Crime

Bangkok Crimes

2009-05-27T21:02:00.000-07:00

Dear readers,

Bangkok Crime can now be found at www.bangkokcrimes.com

Many Thanks

KC

Female Students Raped: Who's to Blame?

2009-05-25T03:36:00.000-07:00

An alarming number of young female students have been raped - with two brutally killed - in the past month, police say.

The high risk of attack for students living away from their families has shocked police. Many of the victims are in their teens. In the past three weeks, two female students have been strangled to death and raped by criminals who made off with their valuables. "There are no places considered safe for girl students - even their own rooms," said a police officer who was stunned by reports of students being raped and killed in their apartments.

On May 19, Naritsa Maneeprasit, 20, a student at Khuan Khanun Industrial and Community Education College in Phatthalung's Khuan Khanun district, was found dead in her bedroom.

She had been raped and her neck bound by an electrical cord. The girl had lived alone in an apartment opposite her school.

A day earlier, police arrested Thammachai Panfak, 29, on suspicions he strangled a junior student at Suan Sunandha Rajabhat University in Bangkok in August last year.

Police said Mr Thammachai admitted killing Panupan Jansing, 21, in her room before making off with a computer laptop and a mobile phone.

He had just been freed after serving a jail term for selling drugs.

Mr Thammachai went to a condominium in Wang Thonglang district to collect money to buy methamphetamines from his friend. While waiting for his friend on the ground floor, he saw Panupan enter the building. Police said he followed the girl to her room and burst in. He told police he killed Panupan for her valuables.

He had been charged earlier with raping a 57-year-old woman.

Another victim was Saranya Chuaykrajang, 20, of Rajamagala University of Technology Phra Nakhon, who was raped and killed on April 27 at a house built about 50 metres from her home in Taling Chan district. Construction worker Ranong Buapan, 37, was arrested about a week later.

Mr Ranong said he threw a fish net to entrap the girl as she was walking home. Police said he strangled the girl with a rope, raped her, then fled with 720 baht.

Criminology expert Amorn Wanichwiwatana, of Chulalongkorn University's political science faculty, said many teenage girls chose to live away from their families, either in dormitories or in apartments near universities. The convenience and privacy at these places sometimes came at the cost of their safety. "Their environment is so weak as it is made up mainly of inexperienced teen girls living together without being cared for by adults," he said. Worse, Mr Amorn said, their tight-fitting dresses appear to put them in danger. Girls are aware that men are attracted to the uniform, so they are willing to wear it to catch their attention, despite the efforts of campaigns to stop the practice.

KC: This is an alarming news story and the incidence of rape remains high in Thailand, see: http://www.nationmaster.com/graph/cri_rap_percap-crime-rapes-per-capita. Two rape victims in the last three weeks have also been murdered and the details of those murders are shocking. The Bangkok Post report concludes by quoting the wise words of 'Criminology expert' Amorn Wanichwiwatana who asserts that the "weak environment" of "inexperienced teen girls" and "tight-fitting dresses" worn by "girls" explains the high incidence of rape. Why must the victims be blamed for the terrible crimes inflicted upon them? Where is Amorn's mention of the underlying reasons behind these incidents, such as social exclusion, mental illness, drug addiction etc etc? When 'Criminology experts' blame the victims, what hope is there to tackle the root causes of rape and murder in society?

Container Mystery Updates

2009-05-24T08:26:00.000-07:00

KC-Please find all intermittent updates on the mystery container here. I will comment further when the contents of the ominous casket/s are eventually revealed.-

Bangkok Post

Container test finds no traces of toxic cargo

Investigators could start looking inside

Tests for radioactive substances in sea sponge samples taken from a cargo container found on the seabed off Chon Buri's Sattahip district have returned negative results.

The results suggest it is probably safe to open the container to see if there are human skeletons inside as suspected.

The tests were implemented by the Justice Ministry team investigating the containers.

The sea sponge samples were tested by the Office of Atoms for Peace in response to concerns the container - and others in surrounding waters - might be filled with toxic substances that could cause serious damage if opened.

The tests found no radioactive substances, Thai News Agency quoted Central Institute of Forensic Science director Khunying Porntip Rojanasunan as saying.

The samples were taken from a container dropped into the sea off Juang island in tambon Samaesarn. Divers found it on May 15 after local fishermen reported to authorities they had discovered containers in the area and also human skulls.

Their discovery prompted families of those who disappeared during the 1992 Black May bloody street protests to call for the containers to be investigated to see if they contain human remains of the missing protesters.

Earlier tests of the sponge on the first container revealed it had been in the water about 20 years, or before the protests demanding the resignation of then prime minister Suchinda Kraprayoon.

The government decided not to open the container until it has enough information from experts to ensure the researchers' safety.

The Pollution Control Department has opposed opening it under water as it fears hazardous chemicals inside could damage the marine environment.

Khunying Porntip said the team had found the container's base was made of rotted wood, which made a safe salvage impractical.

The best option would be to insert a device equipped with a camera into the container to see what it was holding, she said.

Bangkok Post

Container could be opened in June

Central Institute of Forensic Science (CIFS) director Porntip Rojanasunan said she will send a report on the process of unlocking the 3m x 6m cargo container on the seabed off Chon Buri's Sattahip district to Justice Minister Pirapan Salirathavibhaga on Monday.

Human remains were reportedly found along the container, and many victims of the Black May 1992 were rumoured to be inside it.

Dr Porntip said the task was not easy since the container was buried deep in the seabed, and it would require many divers and tools which would be provided by the Royal Thai Navy.

She said private companies also offered to provide underwater cameras and other gears for this operation.

"It can be carried out in June if everything goes according to plan," the CIFS chief said.

Officials were also checking whether human skulls and other objects can pass through the hole found in the container, she said.

Bangkok Post

Dept fights to stop opening of container

Toxic contamination of environment feared

The Pollution Control Department is opposing attempts to open at sea a mysterious container many believe contains the skeletons of victims of the 1992 Black May uprising.

The department is worried the container could contain toxic chemicals which could cause serious damage to the surrounding environment.

The authorities will decide today what to do with the container.

Department chief Supat Wangwongwatana yesterday insisted the container should be hauled from the sea and inspected on land.

If the container does contain toxic waste or dangerous chemicals, legal action would be taken against the wrongdoers under the Basel Convention, which prohibits the transboundary discharge of toxic waste, he said.

The department's files show there have been six cases of toxic waste dumped on Thai territory since 2001, mostly from Britain, the Netherlands and Japan. Most of the waste comprised tyres, batteries and electronic goods. All had been returned to the country of origin.

The container was located on Friday off Juang island in the Samaesarn area of Sattahip district, Chon Buri. Local fishermen say there are up to seven containers lying in nearby waters.

Central Institute of Forensic Science director Khunying Porntip Rojanasunan, who is in charge of the investigating team, said officials would make a final decision today on whether to go ahead with an investigation into the suspicious container and its cargo.

She said the container would not be salvaged because of the high cost. Other means were being looked at to remove public doubts about what is inside.

"The Justice Ministry will work with the Customs Department and other agencies concerned to find the best solution," she said.

Marine experts say the coral found near the container on Friday was about 20 years old.

This would appear to bring into question the speculation that dead victims of the 1992 Black May crackdown on protesters opposing the unelected prime ministership of Gen Suchinda Kraprayoon were stored inside the containers. It added weight to the theory that the container was dumped into the sea by a ship.

Before the container was discovered, fishermen claimed to have found skulls and other human bones in the area.

Marine expert Thorn Thamrongnawasawat, an adviser to the investigating team, said it was important to clear up the public's doubts.

"Our main purpose is to find out what is inside," Mr Thorn said.

"We have a lot of equipment and technology so we can use it to get the answer. If it is chemical waste, another challenge for the country is how to prevent this kind of problem. How can we save our marine territory from illegal waste discharge?"

He suggested a hole be drilled in the side of the container small enough to prevent any chemical discharge but big enough for a computer-guided cameras to be passed into the container to take photos.

Port Authority of Thailand director-general Sunida Skulratana aid the agency was checking whether the container was among those with chemical waste that were denied entry into Thailand over the past 20 to 30 years.

The May Heroes Relatives Group has lobbied the government to open the container to find out what is inside.

Group leader Adul Khieoboriboon yesterday led 20 members to army headquarters to ask army chief Anupong Paojinda to find the people who disappeared during the Black May uprising.

The bloodshed took place when demonstrators took to the streets in Bangkok to oppose Gen Suchinda and his government.

Gen Suchinda also wants the government to examine the container to end rumours of skeletons of demonstrators killed during the military crackdown being hidden inside.

The Nation

A tiny underwater camera may soon slip through a hole in a mysterious container on the seabed off Chon Buri's Sattahip district to check what is inside.

"We have found a hole in the container through which groupers swim in and out," Central Institute of Forensic Science director Porntip Rojanasunan revealed yesterday.

Skulls discovered

She said she would today have a meeting with representatives from the Customs Department, the Department of Special Investigation (DSI), marine archaeologists and noted marine biologist Dr Thon Thamrongnawasawat to discuss possible means of checking what's inside the container and where the container came from.

"Representatives from underwatercamera companies will attend the meeting too," Porntip said. Porntip has been assigned to investigate the containers after rumours spread that the bodies of those who died in the Black May incident were inside. Chon Buri's Samaesan district chief Pramote Towsakul said local people had in the past discovered human skulls in sunken containers but were too scared to report to the police.

Porntip's team has already located one of the containers. After examining the size of the barnacles attached to the container, officials say it has probably been on the seabed for more than 20 years.

This prompted Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva to point out that the mysterious container could not be related to the Black May incident, which took place 17 years ago.

In 1992, prodemocracy street protesters in Bangkok faced a violent crackdown from which many never reฌturned home.

Port Authority of Thailand acting director Sunida Sakulrattana said her agency was poring over old files to identify a company found carrying containers of industrial waste into Thailand's seas about two or three decades ago.

"Officials turned a ship away for carrying industrial waste into Thailand without permission. Now, we have to find out whether the ship secretly dropped the containers on its way out," Sunida said.

Customs Department director general Utid Tamwatin said if officials could see the serial number of the container, they would be able to identify its contents and origin.

Meanwhile, the chairman of the Committee of the May 1992 Heroes' Relatives, Adul Khiewboriboon, has submitted a letter urging the army to return the remains of protesters.

He said three generals should know where the remains are located. "The three generals were involved in the Black May incident. They should know the answer."

The sea's secrets

The public is anxiously waiting to hear what is inside mysterious containers found on the seabed off Chon Buri's Sattahip district.

So far, rumours include:

The remains of prodemocracy protesters killed during the Black May incident 17 years ago

The remains of humantrafficking victims

Toxic or industrial waste

War on Drugs

2009-05-23T01:08:00.000-07:00

Bangkok Post

The Department of Special Investigation's decision to prosecute six police officers allegedly responsible for the death of a teenager in Roi Et looks set to trigger a wave of complaints against the Thaksin Shinawatra administration's war on drugs five years ago.

The DSI is also stepping into a fresh investigation of the killing of 21 young people in Kalasin, which many believe were extra-judicial executions.

It has taken more than five years for the DSI to wrap up its investigation into the death of 17-year-old Kiattisak Thitboonkrong, who was found hanged from the ceiling of a hut in Roi Et's Chang Han district in July 2004.

After collecting evidence and questioning more than 100 witnesses, the DSI has decided to press charges of premeditated murder and concealing the truth against three commissioned and three non-commissioned officers attached to Muang Kalasin police station.

Three police senior sergeants-major - Angkan Khammoonna, Sudthinant Nonthoeng and Pannasilp Uppanant - surrendered on May 20.

They denied all the charges filed against them and were released on bail by the Criminal Court.

The three commissioned officers are a colonel and two lieutenant colonels. Their names have not been disclosed, but they will turn themselves in to face charges in early June.

Pol Col Piyawat Kingkate, head of the DSI's special criminal cases, said Kiattisak's murder was a clear human rights violation by state officials.

According to Pol Col Piyawat, the Chang Han police station's report to the National Anti-Corruption Commission argued that the case involved abuse of authority.

The DSI contested the findings and asked the NACC to refer the case to the agency for investigation.

"It is not about abuse of authority. It is a criminal offence and the suspects are liable to severe punishment," Pol Col Piyawat said.

The officer said there were several loose ends in Kiattisak's death, not to mention an autopsy report which showed he was beaten unconscious before he was found hanged.

The teenager, arrested on theft and drugs charges, had been bailed out by a person who was not his relative and he never returned home.

He was found dead in Chang Han district, about 100km from his home in Kalasin province.

Pol Col Piyawat said the DSI would look into the mysterious deaths of other teenagers in Kalasin after the Kiattisak case goes on trial.

At least 21 teenagers who were arrested on drugs and theft charges died suspiciously at the height of the Thaksin government's war on drugs from 2003 to 2005.

Kalasin was the first province to be declared drugs-free amid widespread suspicion that the teenagers were victims of extra-judicial executions.

"The families of eight victims have lodged complaints with the DSI. Even though we have not treated this as a special case, we can base the investigation on Kiattisak's case," said Pol Col Piyawat.

He said it was unusual that all 21 teenagers were found dead after they had been bailed out and local police had not arrested any suspects.

Somchai Homlaor, president of the Campaign for Human Rights, yesterday hailed the breakthrough in the Kiattisak case, saying it should encourage the families of victims of the war on drugs to come forward and demand justice.

Of the more than 2,500 deaths of people who were killed during the nationwide drugs suppression campaign, only a few cases were properly investigated, critics say.

State authorities claimed most of the killings were carried out by major drug dealers to silence small dealers.

Families said police pursued a campaign of street justice which trampled on people's rights.

Mr Somchai said that of 2,500 cases of suspected foul play, relatives of 26 victims had lodged complaints with the National Human Rights Commission, which investigated and found they were victims of extra-judicial killings.

KC-This is a very interesting and significant development that is long overdue. I would like to include my own scholarly analysis of the War on Drugs and its wider objectives, particularly with regard to Thaksin's efforts to neutralise poltical opposition. Like Khun Somchai Homlaor, I hope this case is just the beginning of the demand for justice.-

The ‘war on drugs’[1] marked the beginning of Thaksin’s exertion of centralised power over the provinces and was fundamental to consolidation of rule. I will argue that the ‘war’ had a dual purpose: it aimed to destroy the trade in methamphetamine and intimidate and remove Thaksin’s political rivals. Accordingly, illegal drugs were not simply a smokescreen for an ulterior, politicised motive, but formed both a raison d’être and a legitimating framework within which Thaksin could execute the neutralisation of opposition and achieve predominant control of Thailand’s political space.

The war on drugs formed a critical part of Thaksin’s populist policy-making and agenda for constructing political hegemony. The premier effectively constructed narcotics as the principal ‘threat’ to national stability in order to legitimise an authoritarian campaign aimed at consolidating his power base. In a policy speech on 14 January 2003, Thaksin declared that narcotics were “destroying the security of the country,” and were the nation’s paramount security threat.[2] Thaksin described drug dealers as “ruthless” and stated that the suppression of dealers should be “equally ruthless.”[3] These remarks were echoed by Interior Minister Wan Muhammed Nor Matha, who established his tough approach to the issue via a bellicose warning: “Tell them [drug dealers] to stop selling drugs and leave the communities for good or they will be put behind bars or even vanish without a trace… Who cares? They are destroying our country.”[4] This message and other hard-line rhetoric emanating from Thai Rak Thai ministers gave the police carte blanche for the extra-judicial elimination of suspected drug dealers, a process administered with brutal effect. Moreover, Thaksin made it clear that the campaign would also target bureaucrats, district governors and politicians: “If politicians are involved, arrest them; deal with them severely, whatever party, whatever name.”[5] As a ‘war’ fought in the national interest, the drugs campaign fulfilled Thaksin’s populist political agenda whilst providing a framework for challenging corrupt functionaries, removing opposition and strengthening internal party dynamics. The climate of intimidation which pervaded the campaign allowed for the rapid mobilisation of pro-Thaksin apparatchiks into provincial administration, replacing officials resistant to TRT coercion. Furthermore, the premier established that the ‘war’ would be ruthlessly prosecuted, heralding a new mode of authoritarian governance under Thaksin.

Authoritarianism and a disregard for the judicial process were hallmarks of the violent anti-drugs campaign. The police were the instrument of Thaksin’s power, incentivised by a managerial promise of financial bonuses and promotions for quantity of arrests. In May 2003, the Royal Thai Police (RTP) announced that 2,275 people had been killed as a result of the campaign.[6] The RTP disclosed that of these 2,275, only 51 had been shot by police in self-defence, the rest, it was argued, were killed by rival drug dealers and criminal gangs.[7] The majority of those killed were bottom-level dealers, many were not involved with drugs distribution, but were the victims of circumstance, killed opportunistically while the war legitimised a culture of assassination and score-settling. The killings of the drugs war became known as kha tad ton, (‘kill to cut out and remove’). [8]

The severity and method of the war against drugs had historical precedent in the campaign against communist insurgents during the Cold War, and scholars noted parallels between Thaksin’s governance and the authoritarian leaders of Thailand’s recent past. McCargo and Ukrist (2005) suggested that Thaksin’s drugs war emulated Sarit Thanarat’s modes of operation, particularly due to the extra-judicial killings of so-called ‘threats to the state’.[9] The suppression of communists and sympathisers in the Thai provinces during the Cold War was orchestrated by General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh and General Thammarak Issarangkua. Under Thaksin, Chavalit was deputy prime minister and chair of the newly established National Command Centre for Combating Narcotic Drugs (NCCB).[10] Thammarak was TRT’s minister of defence and had overseen the party’s successful election campaign in the poverty-stricken Northeast (Isaan).[11] Thus, those involved in the execution of communists and sympathisers in Thailand’s hinterlands were key figures in a new campaign of violence by the state, also justified in terms of national security and aimed principally at political opponents.

The war on drugs aimed to exert centralised control over peripheral areas that were weakly controlled by state apparatus and resistant to Bangkok’s jurisdiction. The drugs issue was inextricably linked to the complex socio-economic and political conditions of the border regions and Thaksin attempted to tackle the source of the drugs problem and implement increased state control of loosely administered areas. Methamphetamine (yaa baa)[12] was produced mainly in Burma’s Shan States by the United Wa State Army (UWSA), which has senior level cooperation with Burma’s ruling military junta.[13] Both Chavalit and Thaksin visited Rangoon in February 2003 as part of increasingly cooperative moves towards Burma’s rulers, but ultimately TRT were frustrated by their inability to affect the Wa, which Burma’s junta claimed was “beyond its control.”[14] This inability was reflected strongly in the continuing growth of Mong Yawn, a town believed to be the epicentre of yaa baa production in the Shan States.[15] The drugs issue was thus infused with the complexities of Burma’s ethnic relations and the intricacies of cross-border security. The border regions remained the focus of the campaign and Thaksin stated in a policy speech that border province officials who were being negligent in tackling the drugs problem would be carefully scrutinised (truadtra).[16] Moreover, Thaksin claimed that the southern border provinces of Yala, Pattani and Narathiwat harboured a cohesive network of criminal drug gangs and officials should be particularly ‘strict’ (guadkan) in the suppression of narcotics in those provinces.[17] The war on drugs thus represented the attempted subjugation of the intractable periphery by Thaksin as part of broader efforts to neutralise opponents in the countryside and centralise political power.

Thaksin’s drugs war had more than drug manufacturers and dealers in its cross hairs. The campaign was also principally designed to exert Thaksin’s authority by challenging provincial officials and removing opponents within a context of fear and intimidation. The premier achieved this objective by targeting bureaucrats as part of the war on drugs. Officials who demonstrated incompetence or lack of support for Thaksin’s agenda were held accountable, removed from their positions and replaced with TRT apparatchiks. The campaign thus had a significant impact on the powerful bureaucratic elite resisting Thaksin’s hegemonic ambitions in the provinces and the targeting of recreant functionaries revealed the salient political objectives behind the war on drugs. In February 2003, a BBC report stated that Thaksin was targeting government officials involved in drugs trafficking: “Thaksin said the suspects included police and army officers, education and health ministry officials, village leaders and local administrators.”[18] The report was confirmed by a government statement which linked 928 officials to the drug trade.[19] Similar reports surfaced in the Far Eastern Economic Review which claimed more than 720 functionaries had been placed under investigation for alleged involvement in the drugs trade.[20] Pasuk and Baker, writing in the New York Times, also noted the prevalence of government officials in the illegal drugs trade:

So many officials are involved in the trade that the government a few years ago made a television commercial intended to shame them. Enough politicians are involved in organized crime groups that the prime minister publicly warned them last month to quit.[21]

Thaksin claimed that 1,200 officials were removed from office within the first three months of the campaign demonstrating the dramatic impact the war had on the rural bureaucracy.[22] The severity of the campaign’s methods ensured many functionaries left their posts due to intimidation, as TRT empowered itself through a campaign of violence and installed loyalists throughout the provincial body politic.

The targeting of political rivals was achieved through the creation of ‘blacklists’. The responsibility for compiling the lists was structured hierarchically, with village headmen (phuyaibaan) relying on informants and police for information before submitting names to the sub-district chief (kamnan).[23] At the top of the hierarchy was Interior Minister Wan Muhammed, who received a list of 329,000 ‘suspects’.[24] Provincial officials were ordered to ‘clear’ 25 per cent of the blacklisted names in the first month, 50 per cent in the second month and 75 per cent in the third month. Those who failed to reach these targets were deemed either incompetent, or under the influence of major traders and removed from their positions.[25] Wan Muhammed personally threatened officials who could not produce satisfactory results, referring to Siamese battles of independence as a stirring rhetorical device: “In our war on drugs, the district chiefs are the knights and the provincial governors the commanders. If the knights see the enemies but do not shoot them, they can be beheaded by their commanders.”[26] This threat bore fruition in the widespread dismantling of bureaucratic elements resistant to TRT coercion and the establishment of increased state control at the village level. An interview with a Chiang Rai Sub-District Chief (kamnan) revealed that as part of Thaksin’s war on drugs plain-clothed security guards were deployed in villages to monitor suspicious activity. The kamnan described the use of these surveillance personnel as one of the principal successes of Thaksin’s drugs war and they have remained operational under subsequent administrations.[27] This policy indicates that the war on drugs provided a legitimating framework for the establishment of enhanced state mechanisms which increased centralised control over the provinces.

Blacklists were open to manipulation, and names included on the lists did not necessarily construe involvement in drugs, the lists were also used to prosecute personal vendettas and settle business and political disputes.[28] Ilchman (2003) discusses this dimension of the campaign in her analysis: “The very nature of the campaign left the door wide open for those compiling the blacklists to use them to settle personal grudges or deal with business or political opponents.”[29] Ilchman’s statement was confirmed in an interview with a police officer in Chiang Rai province who noted that: “The drugs war provided opportunity for dealers to kill each other to avoid repaying debts or to remove competition in business.”[30] Blacklists thus provided the mechanism for elimination of business and political competition throughout the war on drugs and were utilised for this purpose at each level of the informant hierarchy.

The war’s conceptualisation as a campaign in the national interest and its broad popular support allowed Thaksin to label critics as unpatriotic (khon mai rak chart). Many critics who challenged Thaksin’s drugs policy were constructed as dangerous conspirators with personal links to the illegal drug trade. [31] This trend was discussed by MP Surin Pitsuwan writing in The Nation: “The Prime Minister… [lambasts] any doubter or critic of his tactics as unpatriotic and a government party spokesman claims that drug dealers are colluding with the opposition to bring down the government.”[32] A prominent critic of the war was Pradit Charoenthaithawee, a Thai human rights commissioner who criticised the methods of the campaign at the UN. Thaksin described Pradit as a “whistle blower”, whose actions were “ugly” and “sickening” and the premier threatened to have Pradit impeached.[33] This governmental intimidation of opponents extended to the village level, where local critics were constructed as enemies of the nation and of TRT.[34] In this context, opponents of Thaksin’s policy were also considered ‘threats to the state’ and their critical views, as well as their ability to challenge the government was routinely undermined.

Thaksin also utilised the context of the campaign against narcotics to mobilise pro-TRT elites into key political positions. This strategy formed part of the broader process of ‘Thaksinization’ of state institutions and the wider body politic. The war on drugs was at the forefront of TRT policy during Thaksin’s political restructuring and individuals known for both loyalties to the premier and a hard-line approach to politics soon found themselves within Thaksin’s inner-circle and at the frontline of TRT’s political agendas. Thus, the campaign against drugs provided justification for the promotion of authoritarian figures, whilst simultaneously consolidating the upper-echelons of TRT with pro-Thaksin elites. Often, these elites were friends, former colleagues and relatives of Thaksin. General Trairong Indharathat, a former class-mate of Thaksin’s and a figure with numerous business interests and political influence in Bangkok, was appointed as a personal security adviser to Thaksin before he assisted in the campaign against ‘dark influences’. Trairong was subsequently promoted to Chief of the Office of the Permanent Secretary of Defence.[35] Another key TRT figure involved in the war on drugs was the aforementioned General Thammarak, a political ally of Chavalit with strong political connections in Buriram province and the wider Northeast. McCargo and Ukrist (2005) draw attention to Thammarak’s significant role in Thaksin’s anti-drugs war in their analysis:

Thammarak was a major channel through which Thaksin acquired inside information about issues relating to narcotics and dark influences. Based on this information Thaksin was able to deploy his close friends in the police to take the appropriate action.[36]

One of these ‘close friends’, Police Major General Surasit Sangkapong, was transferred to the position of Commissioner of the Crime Suppression Division.[37] Surasit played a key role in the war on drugs, as a director of the police operation against drugs suspects and also in the war on ‘dark influences’.[38]

The campaign against illegal narcotics also aimed to weaken the influence of provincial ‘bosses’ and politicians by undermining their financial base. Glassman (2005) contends that the entire anti-narcotics campaign was based around this objective:

The stated purpose [of the drugs war] was to eliminate Thailand’s methamphetamine and opium industries, but few observers believe this a credible goal… it would seem the actual goal of the campaign was to weaken the financial base of… the provincial “political bosses”.[39]

The drugs war provided a suitable mechanism and legitimating context in which this policy could be implemented and it became a highly successful means of neutralising Thaksin’s political opposition. The Anti-Money Laundering Office (AMLO) became the primary utility for investigating blacklisted suspects, invoking the Anti-Money Laundering Act to seize the assets of suspected traders, if that individual failed to prove they had obtained their assets through honest means. In February 2003, AMLO seized Bt250 million worth of assets from suspected dealers, including 327 plots of land.[40] Many local politicians and officials were targeted through AMLO, including Suphan Buri Provincial Administrative Organisation Chairman Sakda Jala,[41] former Democrat Party MP, Pracha Phopipit, former Public Health Minister Rakkiat Sukthana and Lampang Provincial Councillor Phanom Sap-anek, an independent politician.[42]

Thaksin’s war on drugs had limited success in eliminating an entrenched and complex social problem, but it was successful in consolidating the premier’s provincial power base. The drugs war established a new mode of centralised authoritarian governance under Thaksin’s personal control and was legitimised by broad popular support. Thaksin used violence and intimidation to gather intelligence, challenge the powerful bureaucracy and neutralise anti-TRT officials. The countryside was the principal focus of the campaign, providing an arena for the assertion of Thaksin’s power and the reconfiguration of rural politics. Pro-Thaksin elites were mobilised into key political positions to prosecute the campaign and facilitate ‘Thaksinization’ of the body politic, critics were neutralised by constructing them as unpatriotic and political and business rivals were stripped of their assets and ability to present a challenge to Thaksin.

[1] songkhram tortaan yaaseptid.

[2] Speech of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra on the Policy for Prevention and Suppression of Drugs, Suan Dusit Ratchapat Institute, 14 January 2003. (Thai). http://www.thaigov.go.th/mobile/submore.asp?pageid=467&directory=1995&contents=4029&pageno=28&no=166

[3] Ibid.

[4] Bangkok Post, 25 January 2003.

[5] Speech of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra on the Policy for Prevention and Suppression of Drugs, Suan Dusit Ratchapat Institute, 14 January 2003. (Thai). http://www.thaigov.go.th/mobile/submore.asp?pageid=467&directory=1995&contents=4029&pageno=28&no=166

[6] Human Rights Watch Report, “Not Enough Graves: The War on Drugs, HIV/AIDS, and Violations of Human Rights” 16.8 (2004): 8. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2004/thailand0704/index.htm

[7] Ibid. 8.

[8] A full discussion of the human rights abuses and murders committed during the war on drugs is beyond the scope of this paper. A 2004 report by Human Rights Watch deals extensively with these issues and is available at: http://www.hrw.org/reports/2004/thailand0704/index.htm

[9] Duncan McCargo and Ukrist Pathmanand, “The Thaksinisation of Thailand” (Copenhagen: NIAS, 2005): 56. Field Marshall Sarit Thanarat governed Thailand from 1958-1963 and was heavily funded by the US as an anti-communist ally during the Second Indochina War.

[10] In January 2003, Thaksin issued Prime Minister’s Order No. 29/2546 on the Fight to Overcome Narcotic Drugs. The Order led to the establishment of the NCCB under the chairmanship of the Deputy Prime Minister General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. See Royal Thai Embassy Fact Sheet on the Royal Thai Government’s Anti-Narcotic Drugs Policy. http://www.thaiembdc.org/socials/drugpolicy2003.html

[11] Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, “Thaksin: The Business of Politics in Thailand” (Copenhagen: NIAS, 2004): 163.

[12] ‘crazy medicine’.

[13] In October 1999, Khin Nyunt, then First Secretary of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), met with UWSA Southern Commander Wei Hseuh-Kang, a notorious heroin king-pin wanted by the US government, to discuss military cooperation. See Tom Fawthrop, “Wa Drug Lords Dodge US Legal Action,” The Irrawaddy, April 2005. http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=4585 See also, US Department of State, Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, Narcotics Rewards Program. http://www.state.gov/p/inl/narc/rewards/39404.htm

[14] BBC News Online, 11 March 2001. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/1214621.stm

[15] Ibid. See also, Shan Herald Agency for News, April 2002. http://www.shanland.org/resources/bookspub/humanrights/wa/mong_hsat_township.htm

[16] Speech of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra on the Path to Victory in the War on Drugs, Suan Dusit Ratchapat Institute, 18 November 2003. Transcript available on Chiang Rai Voice radio station website: http://www.chiangraivoice.com/forum/index.php?topic=524.msg904#msg904 (Thai).

[17] Speech of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Government House, Bangkok, 5 October 2005. (Thai). http://www.thaigov.go.th/mobile/submore.asp?pageid=467&directory=2216&contents=4767&pageno=18&no=106

[18] BBC News Online, 18 February 2003. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/2774983.stm

[19] Bangkok Post, 26 February 2003.

[20] Rodney Tasker, “War on Drugs,” Far Eastern Economic Review 166.8, 27 February 2003.

[21] New York Times, 24 May 2003.

[22] The Nation, 3 May 2003.

[23] In a 2004 speech, Thaksin described kamnans as the “eyes and ears of the country.” Speech of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Miracle Grand Convention Hotel, Bangkok, 28 January 2004. (Thai). http://www.thaigov.go.th/mobile/submore.asp?pageid=467&directory=1994&contents=3434&pageno=24&no=143. According to a kamnan from Chiang Rai province, “ballot boxes” were provided for villagers to provide information on drugs suspects. This worked in tandem with the ‘1-2-3-4’ boxes installed by the police. Interview, Sub-District Chief (anonymity requested) Amphur Mae Jan, Chiang Rai, 10 August 2008. (Thai).

[24] Bangkok Post, 11 December 2003.

[25] Mathew W. Wheeler, “From Market Place to Battlefield: Counting the Cost of Thailand’s Drug War” (2004): 4. http://www.icwa.org/ArticlesMap.asp?r=14

[26] Bangkok Post, 25 January 2003.

[27] Interview, Sub-District Chief (anonymity requested) Amphur Mae Jan, Chiang Rai, 10 August 2008. (Thai).

[28] The police provided a ‘post box’, known as the ‘1-2-3-4’ box, for the public to anonymously deposit the names and addresses of those they suspected of dealing illegal drugs. See Mathew W. Wheeler, “From Market Place to Battlefield: Counting the Cost of Thailand’s Drug War” (2004): 4. http://www.icwa.org/ArticlesMap.asp?r=14

[29] Suzanne Ilchman, “Thousands Dead as a result of Thailand’s War on Drugs,” World Socialist, May 2003. http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/may2003/thai-m09.shtml

[30] Interview, Police Officer (anonymity requested) Amphur Muang, Chiang Rai, 8 August 2008. (Thai).

[31] Thaksin travelled the nation during the campaign proselytising his anti-drugs policy via the mediums of radio and television and public appearances. During these announcements Thaksin would discuss the progress of the campaign particularly regarding figures of those apprehended. There were also many national broadcasts discussing the drugs campaign. Examples of radio announcements have been archived on the Thai government website: http://www.thaigov.go.th/pageconfig/viewcontent/viewcontent1.asp?pageid=467&directory=1995&contents=3962&searchtxt= (Thai).

[32] Surin Pitsuwan, “The War on Drugs and Human Security,” The Nation, 3 March 2003.

[33] The Nation, 7 March 2003.

[34] A Chiang Rai Sub-District Chief stated that Thaksin’s popular village schemes and funds (1,000,000 baht to each village) ensured that critics of TRT policy were labelled as social deviants. The kamnan also noted that there very few Thaksin critics in his sub-district. Interview, Sub-District Chief (anonymity requested) Amphur Mae Jan, Chiang Rai, 10 August 2008. (Thai).

[35] Duncan McCargo and Ukrist Pathmanand, “The Thaksinization of Thailand” (NIAS: Copenhagen, 2005): 228.

[36] Ibid. 228.

[37] The Nation, 29 September 2003.

[38] Duncan McCargo and Ukrist Pathmanand, “The Thaksinization of Thailand” (NIAS: Copenhagen, 2005): 230.

[39] Jim Glassman, “The “War on Terrorism” Comes to Southeast Asia,” Journal of Contemporary Asia 35.1 (2005): 22.

[40] The Nation, 25 February 2003.

[41] Phujatgaan, 13 May 2003. (Thai). See also, The Nation, 20 December 2004.

[42] Khom Chat Luk, 31 October 2004. (Thai). Region 3 (North) News, 10 July 2003. (Thai). http://region3.prd.go.th/analyse/viewanalyse.php?view=10072546132203 See also, Khom Chat Luk, 17 December 2004. (Thai). The Nation, 5 March 2004 and Thai Post, 4 March 2004. (Thai).

Somchai Neelaphaijit

2009-05-19T20:40:00.000-07:00

Court declares Muslim lawyer legally missing

Wife is convinced Somchai was killed

By: POST REPORTERS

Published: 19/05/2009 at 12:00 AM

The Civil Court has declared Muslim lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit a missing person.

Angkhana Neelaphaijit, wife of missing human rights lawyer Somchai, examines documents with her lawyer Nitithorn Lamlhueaas they prepare to file a petition with the Civil Court seeking to have Mr Somchai officially declared a missing person. CHANATKATANYU

Mr Somchai's wife petitioned the court asking that her husband be declared missing so she could legally take control of his assets.

Mrs Angkhana, a human rights campaigner in Pattani, is convinced her husband was killed after being abducted by police on Ramkhamhaeng Road in Bangkok on March 12, 2004.

The law provides that a person can be considered a missing person if he or she has been missing for five years, the court said yesterday.

The verdict will pave the way for Mrs Angkhana to ask the Civil Court to allow her to oversee her husband's assets.

The Criminal Court in 2006 sentenced Pol Maj Ngern Thongsuk of the Crime Suppression Division to three years in jail in connection with the lawyer's disappearance.

The officer is believed to have fled the country after being released on bail while appealing the verdict.

Mr Somchai disappeared after volunteering as a defence lawyer in a case brought against three suspected Muslim separatists in the deep South. All three were later found innocent.

At one stage during the trial, Mr Somchai accused officers of torturing the suspects to force them to confess.

Meanwhile, two military rangers were injured in a bomb attack yesterday as they patrolled a road in Yala's Bannang Sata district.

The roadside bomb went off about a kilometre from the Ban Bannang Kuwae school. It was detonated when a unit of nine military rangers was passing.

The blast injured defence volunteers Kariya Hami, 32, and his colleague Damrongrit Kaewrung, 30.

In Narathiwat's Bacho district, a bomb exploded as eight soldiers were patrolling the Bacho-Ban Thon Road. No one was injured.

Police arrested two men acting suspiciously near the scene of the blast.

The attack followed Sunday night's bomb attack at a karaoke bar in downtown Narathiwat. Police said two bombs exploded at around 11.20pm on the second floor of the building housing the Fifa Karaoke.

The explosion damaged the VIP room where police found the remains of two 2kg home-made bombs which were planted under a sofa. No one was injured.

The bombers also placed a 5kg bomb next to a motorcycle parked in front of the bar which bomb disposal experts managed to defuse just seconds before it was timed to go off at 11.32pm.

Paipan Siripan, the karaoke bar owner, said the bombs exploded shortly after five of his male clients, all teenagers, left the VIP room.

Violent attacks continued in the region yesterday even with extra tight security on the first day of the new school semester.

Insurgents had threatened to launch violent attacks to disrupt classes if schools reopened.

The rebels have frequently targeted schools and teachers in the past, delivering a serious blow to education in the three Muslim-dominated border provinces.

Military officers yesterday were ordered to escort teachers to school and increase the frequency of patrols in areas prone to attacks, including Highway 410 linking Yala and Pattani provinces.

In Narathiwat alone, 369 schools reopened in 13 districts amid tight security.

Si Sakhon, Rueso, Cho Airong, Chanae, and Rangae districts are among the high-risk areas.

KC-The case of Somchai Neelaphaijit is riddled with themes of police corruption and injustice. It is also a result of the messy politics of the Deep South during the Thaksin administration and the political context of the US-led War on Terror. The three suspects Somchai was defending were accused of being Jamaah Islamiyah operatives at a time when Thailand was berated by the US for its lack of cooperation in the War on Terror. The arrest of the three suspects was used by many to justify the argument that a globally interconnected rise in Jihadism was occurring and that local Muslim separatist movements were part of this emerging global threat. This overly-simplistic and dangerous discourse was espoused by the neo-conservative Bush administration in addition to a league of academics, 'terrorism analysts', governments and other groups with vested interests in the US-led war. Thus, Somchai was not only a victim of police corruption and brutality but also of the new political context which pervaded Southeast Asia following its designation as the 'second front' in the War on Terror.-

Some links to help understand the complexity and background to this story:

http://campaigns.ahrchk.net/somchai/

http://www.hrw.org/reports/2007/thailand0307/

PM Abhisit and the Mystery Container

2009-05-19T02:24:00.000-07:00

PM queries container-Black May link

Probably sank before the 1992 crackdown

The shipping container on the Chon Buri seabed has nothing to do with the 1992 Black May uprising, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva believes.

A 17-year-old girl cleans a portrait of her father who died 17 years ago during the Black May uprising against then prime minister Suchinda Kraprayoon. She was among mourners yesterday at a ceremony held to commemorate the event at Suan Santiporn on Ratchadamnoen Klang Avenue, where a Black May memorial will be built.

An initial examination showed the coral which had formed on the container was more than 20 years old, which suggests it sank before the military crackdown took place.

Speaking in his weekly television address, Mr Abhisit said he had asked state agencies to inspect the seabed off Samaesarn in Chon Buri's Sattahip district.

An initial finding showed the container found in the area was covered in coral growth more than 20 years old. -Just in case we missed this point the first time-

In that case, the container discovered on the seabed would have no link to the May 17, 1992 crackdown on protesters demonstrating against non-elected prime minister Suchinda Kraprayoon. However, no one yet knows what is in it.

The prime minister ordered an investigation after media reported local fishermen as saying three to five containers stuffed with human skeletons had been found in the area.

The reports offered hope to relatives of those who went missing in the 1992 Black May uprising. They have been searching for the remains of their loved ones for 17 years.

Mr Abhisit said hauling the container to the surface would be expensive.

Several methods had been proposed to examine what was inside the container, such as drilling a hole in the side or determining the age of the coral which had formed on the container.

"The container must be examined because we want relatives of those who disappeared to feel at ease. We also want to gather as many facts about the Black May uprising as possible so people will know the truth," the prime minister said.

The military yesterday refused to respond to reports that the container might be linked to the 1992 military crackdown.

Defence Ministry spokesman Jittasak Charoensombat said the military wanted scientists and marine experts to examine the container first.

Army spokesman Sansern Kaewkumnerd said the army was willing to support forensic investigations.

The navy and forensic experts led by Porntip Rojanasunan, director of the Central Institute of Forensic Science, were jointly examining what they found on the seabed, he said.

Fine Arts Department chief Kriengkrai Sampatchalit said the department would send underwater archaeologists to examine the container if asked.

Tharapong Srisuchart, director of the Underwater Archaeology Division, said his department was willing to examine the container.

It was hard to guess its age in the absence of other evidence in the area, but the container was found alone on the seabed.

Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon said he believed the container had no link to the Black May uprising.

Khunying Porntip said the container would not be raised from the sea as that would be too expensive.

She would consult state agencies to find ways to determine the age of the container. Once its age was known, the investigation would focus on whether there was any pressure to force factories to dump toxic waste outside the country at the time.

Her team would find the safest method to drill a hole in the container, she said.

Bangkok Post 18/05/2009

KC-There is still much foot-dragging in this case, but it seems there is only container, despite earlier reports of there being up to eight. Regarding Black May, Abhisit claims there is intention to discover more facts to make "relatives feel at ease". Is he instigating a full investigation into the missing demonstrators? I doubt it.-

Elite Crime Squad

2009-05-18T05:04:00.000-07:00

KC- The Bangkok Post has reported that a new elite crime squad has been deployed to deter crime in crowded areas such as Victory Monument and Khao San Road. Known as Pa Cha Da (fearless), the unit contains eighteen, specially trained officers who will ride Honda Phantom choppers and wear black uniforms. The unit has two principal aims: deter crime in city areas and boost public confidence in law enforcement authorities. They have also been instructed to guard VIPs and have been instructed how to deal with hostage situations and demonstrations, during which the unit would "swiftly handle the situation pending reinforcements". -

Phantom riders get their motors running

By: WASSAYOS NGAMKHAM

Published: 18/05/2009 at 12:00 AM

The Pa Cha Da (fearless) rapid patrol unit of motorcycle-riding officers is roaring into town.

Members of the Pa Cha Da rapid patrol unit pose before the launch of the unit at the Victory Monument. THITI WANNAMONTHA

The rapid response unit project, launched on Saturday, is the brainchild of Metropolitan Police Division 1 commander Wichai Sangprapai.

The unit is charged with deterring crime in city areas and boosting public confidence in law enforcement authorities.

Pol Maj Gen Wichai said 18 Honda Phantom choppers were chosen for the crime watchdog scheme.

Eighteen commissioned and non-commissioned officers, standing at least 180cm tall, from eight city police stations - Dusit, Sam Sen, Makkasan, Phaya Thai, Din Daeng, Huay Kwang, Nang Loeng and Chana Songkhram - were picked to join the unit.

The officers underwent a training programme designed to fight crime, deal with hostage situations and act swiftly against bag snatchers and other thieves. The officers will also assist traffic police in heavily congested areas.

The unit's motorcycles and patrol uniforms cost more than 2 million baht. The officers will wear black uniforms emblazoned with their name, rank and the symbol of the project. They will wear black crash helmets, black glasses and boots, and be equipped with first aid kits. The unit will work from 6am to 6pm each day with two officers operating in each district.

"The unit will focus on crowded areas such as the Victory Monument, Khao San Road, bus stops and in front of shopping malls and electric train stations," Maj Gen Wichai said.

Pol Lt Col Saming Rodrattasa, deputy suppression chief at Din Daeng police station and also head of the Pa Cha Da unit, said his team would coordinate closely with suppression police or existing patrol units.

His team would patrol main roads and keep a close watch on any suspicious activities while patrol units from other police stations would focus on minor roads.

He said police chiefs from each station would take turns to head the rapid patrol unit.

His unit has also been given special assignments to guard VIPs.

If there is a demonstration, the unit would swiftly handle the situation pending reinforcements. The unit would take less than 10 minutes to reach a targeted area.

Pol Lt Col Somporn Choonun, of Din Daeng station, said he was proud to be a part of the unit. He vowed to carry out his task to his fullest capacity.

Pol Sgt Maj Witthaya Nopparat, another member of the unit, said he was trained in weapons use, including the use of pistols, knives and wooden batons. He believed the scheme would reduce the crime rate in the capital.

KC-It seems unlikely that this unit can make much difference to petty crime with only two officers in each selected district although it may well boost public confidence in law enforcement abilities. The real objective behind Pa Cha Da is to neutralise politcal deminstrations more rapidly and to guard VIPs more effectively. It is a response to the events of Songkran invloving the Red Shirts and the threats they were able to make to top politicians. It will be interesting to see how they operate on a day-to-day basis and if there is a demonstration what part they will play.-

Human Remains?

2009-05-17T01:51:00.000-07:00

KC-Back from a lengthy hiatus from crime analysis I return amidst the intrigue of another mystery, potentially with far-reaching political ramifications. Following claims by scuba divers that a large number of human skeletons had been spotted on the Sattahip sea bed surrounding several large containers, speculation ensued that the containers contain dead bodies.

Previously fishermen had reported discovering human remains in their fishing nets and now the containers will be the focus of a police investigation. Many observers are already drawing attention to 1992's 'Black May', in which several hundred people went missing during a military crackdown on demonstrators and have yet to be found. See Wikipedia entry for details and extra sources: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_May_(1992)

The Department of Special Investigation (DSI) conducted its own search and could not find any sign of the containers, fueling speculation of a cover-up, and then.... evidence that the containers exist emerged via a Navy search of the area and PM Abhisit is now tentatively investigating.

All sounds very fishy.

The conflicting reports from various government agencies may indicate that there are already some very nervous people out there who would rather this story remained on the sea-bed. It will be interesting to see what, if anything is discovered in the containers and what the fall-out will be. At the very least we have a re-emergence of the issue of Black May's missing people and a reminder that there has been a lack of political will to conduct an investigation and to hold people accountable for the crackdown on protesters.-

A round up of the links on this intriguing story:

http://www.pattayaone.net/news/2009/may/news_06_05_52.shtml

http://www.bangkokpost.com/breakingnews/143351/no-containers-in-sattahip-sea

http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/16821/camera-to-be-used-in-search-for-remains

A Thai news report on the story can be viewed via YouTube

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7prqi04edfk&NR=

Thailand Crime Statistics

2009-02-26T23:19:00.000-08:00

KC-This blog is in no way an effort to construct Thailand as a land of crime, but rather to document the many different crimes occurring and to try and understand them within the context of Thailand's unique socio-cultural framework. The time is thus ripe for some crime statistics, compiled by NationMaster http://www.nationmaster.com/ to shed some well-needed light on Thailand's crime rankings globally. The stats are particularly revealing, perhaps shocking to some, as Thailand is oft-considered a 'safe' place to visit in comparison to its naughty neighbours, such as Burma and Cambodia. I would be interested to know readers' comments regarding Thailand's position in these selected tables.-

First up, Murders per capita:

Crime Statistics > Murders (per capita) (most recent) by country

VIEW DATA:

Totals

Per capita

Definition Source Printable version

Bar Graph

Map

Showing latest available data.

Rank	Countries	Amount (top to bottom)
#1	Colombia:	0.617847 per 1,000 people
#2	South Africa:	0.496008 per 1,000 people
#3	Jamaica:	0.324196 per 1,000 people
#4	Venezuela:	0.316138 per 1,000 people
#5	Russia:	0.201534 per 1,000 people
#6	Mexico:	0.130213 per 1,000 people
#7	Estonia:	0.107277 per 1,000 people
#8	Latvia:	0.10393 per 1,000 people
#9	Lithuania:	0.102863 per 1,000 people
#10	Belarus:	0.0983495 per 1,000 people
#11	Ukraine:	0.094006 per 1,000 people
#12	Papua New Guinea:	0.0838593 per 1,000 people
#13	Kyrgyzstan:	0.0802565 per 1,000 people
#14	Thailand:	0.0800798 per 1,000 people
#15	Moldova:	0.0781145 per 1,000 people
#16	Zimbabwe:	0.0749938 per 1,000 people
#17	Seychelles:	0.0739025 per 1,000 people
#18	Zambia:	0.070769 per 1,000 people
#19	Costa Rica:	0.061006 per 1,000 people
#20	Poland:	0.0562789 per 1,000 people
#21	Georgia:	0.0511011 per 1,000 people
#22	Uruguay:	0.045082 per 1,000 people
#23	Bulgaria:	0.0445638 per 1,000 people
#24	United States:	0.042802 per 1,000 people
#25	Armenia:	0.0425746 per 1,000 people
#26	India:	0.0344083 per 1,000 people
#27	Yemen:	0.0336276 per 1,000 people
#28	Dominica:	0.0289733 per 1,000 people
#29	Azerbaijan:	0.0285642 per 1,000 people
#30	Finland:	0.0283362 per 1,000 people
#31	Slovakia:	0.0263303 per 1,000 people
#32	Romania:	0.0250784 per 1,000 people
#33	Portugal:	0.0233769 per 1,000 people
#34	Malaysia:	0.0230034 per 1,000 people
#35	Macedonia, The Former Yugoslav Republic of:	0.0229829 per 1,000 people
#36	Mauritius:	0.021121 per 1,000 people
#37	Hungary:	0.0204857 per 1,000 people
#38	Korea, South:	0.0196336 per 1,000 people
#39	Slovenia:	0.0179015 per 1,000 people
#40	France:	0.0173272 per 1,000 people
#41	Czech Republic:	0.0169905 per 1,000 people
#42	Iceland:	0.0168499 per 1,000 people
#43	Australia:	0.0150324 per 1,000 people
#44	Canada:	0.0149063 per 1,000 people
#45	Chile:	0.014705 per 1,000 people
#46	United Kingdom:	0.0140633 per 1,000 people
#47	Italy:	0.0128393 per 1,000 people
#48	Spain:	0.0122456 per 1,000 people
#49	Germany:	0.0116461 per 1,000 people
#50	Tunisia:	0.0112159 per 1,000 people
#51	Netherlands:	0.0111538 per 1,000 people
#52	New Zealand:	0.0111524 per 1,000 people
#53	Denmark:	0.0106775 per 1,000 people
#54	Norway:	0.0106684 per 1,000 people
#55	Ireland:	0.00946215 per 1,000 people
#56	Switzerland:	0.00921351 per 1,000 people
#57	Indonesia:	0.00910842 per 1,000 people
#58	Greece:	0.0075928 per 1,000 people
#59	Hong Kong:	0.00550804 per 1,000 people
#60	Japan:	0.00499933 per 1,000 people
#61	Saudi Arabia:	0.00397456 per 1,000 people
#62	Qatar:	0.00115868 per 1,000 people
	Weighted average:	0.1 per 1,000 people

DEFINITION: Total recorded intentional homicides, completed. Crime statistics are often better indicators of prevalence of law enforcement and willingness to report crime, than actual prevalence. Per capita figures expressed per 1,000 population.

SOURCE: Seventh United Nations Survey of Crime Trends and Operations of Criminal Justice Systems, covering the period 1998 - 2000 (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Centre for International Crime Prevention)

Crime Statistics > Gun violence > Homicides > Overall homicide rate > per 100,000 pop. (most recent) by country

VIEW DATA:

Totals

Definition Source Printable version

Bar Graph

Map

Showing latest available data.

Rank	Countries	Amount (top to bottom)
#1	South Africa:	125.965
#2	Colombia:	114.5083
#3	Guatemala:	43.9737
#4	Thailand:	41.4695
#5	Paraguay:	19.3959
#6	Mexico:	17.7735
#7	Belarus:	13.44
#8	Lithuania:	12.2598
#9	Zimbabwe:	11.9841
#10	Estonia:	11.9795
#11	Latvia:	11.2985
#12	Barbados:	10.4869
#13	Ukraine:	9.2747
#14	United States:	9.1
#15	Moldova:	8.5941
#16	Uruguay:	7.1321
#17	Côte d'Ivoire:	6.1367
#18	Poland:	6.0362
#19	Bulgaria:	4.8366
#20	Slovakia:	4.8132
#21	Macedonia, Republic of:	3.5943
#22	Portugal:	3.31
#23	Azerbaijan:	3.0314
#24	Hungary:	2.49
#25	Slovenia:	2.4145
#26	Czech Republic:	1.9517
#27	Australia:	1.8802
#28	Chile:	1.7237
#29	Germany:	1.635
#30	Spain:	1.4962
#31	New Zealand:	1.3574
#32	Singapore:	0.9457
	Weighted average:	16.1

DEFINITION:

SOURCE: Wikipedia: Gun violence

Crime Statistics > Murders committed by youths (most recent) by country

Bar Graph

Pie Chart

Map

Showing latest available data.

Rank	Countries	Amount (top to bottom)
#1	Brazil:	20,386
#2	Colombia:	12,834
#3	United States:	8,226
#4	Russia:	7,885
#5	Mexico:	5,991
#6	Philippines:	3,252
#7	Venezuela:	2,090
#8	Thailand:	1,456
#9	Ukraine:	1,273
#10	El Salvador:	1,147
#11	Ecuador:	757
#12	Kazakhstan:	631
#13	Argentina:	628
#14	Puerto Rico:	538
#15	Cuba:	348
#16	Albania:	325
#17	Korea, South:	282
#18	Belarus:	267
#19	Uzbekistan:	249
#20	Italy:	210
#21	Azerbaijan:	194
#22	Paraguay:	191
#23	Poland:	186
#24	Romania:	169
#25	Germany:	156
#26	Panama:	151
#27	Chile:	146
#28	Canada:	143
#29	Nicaragua:	139
#30	United Kingdom:	139
#31	Turkmenistan:	131
#32	Japan:	127
#33	Tajikistan:	124
#34	Moldova:	96
#35	Spain:	96
#36	France:	91
#37	Kyrgyzstan:	88
#38	Australia:	88
#39	Costa Rica:	75
#40	Netherlands:	60
#41	Lithuania:	59
#42	Latvia:	55
#43	Trinidad and Tobago:	55
#44	Bulgaria:	51
#46	Hungary:	41
#47	Portugal:	37
#48	Belgium:	37
#49	Uruguay:	36
#50	Czech Republic:	36
#51	Estonia:	33
#52	Slovakia:	26
#53	Armenia:	26
#54	Greece:	25
#55	Croatia:	21
#56	New Zealand:	20
#57	Denmark:	20
#58	Finland:	19
#59	Switzerland:	17
#60	Sweden:	16
#61	Singapore:	15
#62	Kuwait:	14
#63	Israel:	13
#64	Norway:	11
#65	Ireland:	10
#66	Austria:	7
#68	Macedonia, Republic of:	6
#69	Slovenia:	4
#70	Mauritius:	4
#71	Georgia:	4
#72	Bosnia and Herzegovina:	2
#73	Jamaica:	2
	Total:	72,087
	Weighted average:	987.5
Historical countries, unions or other regions:
Scotland		41
Northern Ireland		7

DEFINITION: Homicide rates among youths aged 10–29 years by country or area: most recent year available (variable 1990–1999).

SOURCE: World Health Organization: World report on violence and health, 2002

Deceased Indentified

2009-02-25T06:18:00.000-08:00

KC-Just to wrap up this tragic tale, some newspaper excerpts that deal with the death of Italian Maurizio Tosadori.-

Italian tourist killed in Rama VIII Bridge suicide re-identified as Maurizio Tosabori: Jongrak

BANGKOK: -- Deputy police commissioner-general Jongrak Chuthanont announced Wednesday that the Italian tourist suspected to be the one killed by a hanging suicide at the Rama VIII Bridge has been found alive and police have learnt the real identity of the victim.

Jongrak told a press conference that that 49-year-old Italian Jaeta Jiovani was still alive. Earlier, police thought Jiovani was the person killed by decapitation caused by the hanging at the bridge because he went missing from Rex Hotel over the weekend.

Jongrak said the vicitm was identified by the Italian Embassy as an Italian citizen, whose name was Maurizio Tosabori, 53.

Jongrak said Tosabori rented a room of Wimol Jaijong on Khao Sarn Road and could not pay the rent so Wimol asked him to leave.

Wimol told police that Tosabori disappeared on Saturday. His head was found hanging by the bridge on Sunday and his body was retrieved on Monday.

-- The Nation 2009-02-25

BANGKOK: -- Police believe the Italian man who hung himself from the Rama VIII bridge committed suicide because of unemployment and illnesses.

The man had chronic diseases -- he coughed all the time and had a tumor in his stomach, Deputy National Police chief Jongrak Juthanont told reporters on Wednesday.

Police identified the man as Maoricio Tosadori, 54. He was an architect.

The man is not Giovanni Gaeta as local media have reported, Pol Gen Jongrak said.

The identification came after investigators found a hostel owner in Khao San road where Maoricio rented the room.

The owner, Mrs Wimon Jongjai, said Maoricio stayed at her hostel for free for two weeks before he disappeared on Saturday, after she asked him to vacate the room because her worker will stay there.

Police have checked the room and found Maoricio's belongings including his passport. A letter was also found in the room. He left the message for Mrs Wimon, thanking her for the accomodation and apologising her for not paying the rent.

-- Bangkok Post 2009-02-25

Update:
Police identify Italian whose head found hanging from a bridge

BANGKOK: -- Thai police on Wednesday identified a foreigner whose head was found hanging from Rama VIII Bridge as Italian Maurizio Tosadori, 53.

Deputy Police Chief Pol Gen Jongrak Jutanont said that Wimon Jaijong, owner of a guesthouse, contacted police and confirmed that the dead was Mr Tosadori.

Police initially believed the dead man was another Italian Jaeta Jiovani and distributed his photos for the public to help identify the man.

Jongrak said in a press conference on Wednesday that Jiovanni already contacted his embassy in Bangkok that he is still alive.

"After being alerted by Khun Wimon, police went to search a room of Wimon's guesthouse where Mr Tasadori stayed on Samsen Road, Phranakhon district. Found in the room included Tasadori's passport which showed that he entered Thailand on February 6 this year from Cambodia," Jongrak told reporters.

Also found was a letter written in English dated February 21, 2009 for Wimon which read, "Thanks you very much for everything. I'm sorry for the inconvenience." The letter was signed by Tasadori.

Photos found in the room showed that Tasadori had small lump near the left forehead, Jongrak said, the head found hanging from the bridge had also a small lump at the same position. His document showed that he was an architect.

"Mr Tasadori had stayed at Khun Wimon's guesthouse for more than two weeks without paying any renting fees. Recently Wimon asked him to move out as she wanted the room for other guests. Maybe Mr Tasadori had no place to go and felt guilty, so he committed suicide.

That's why he wrote an apology letter for Wimon, Jongrak said. Tasadori had came to Thailand many times.

Wimon told reporters that Mr Tasadori went missing from the guesthouse on February 21 and she tried to reach his mobile phone but failed. She knew that he died from the media.

"Maurizio was poor and a chain smoker. He fell sick several times. He always left the guesthouse in the morning to find a job. He came back in the afternoon and had dinner at the guesthouse's restaurant. During his stay, he paid me Bt2,000, saying it's for his meals.," she said.

He told Wimon that he wanted to marry and had children.

-- The Nation 2009-02-25

hai police identify decapitated foreigner as Italian

BANGKOK: -- Thai police on Wednesday identified a foreigner whose head was found at the weekend hanging by a rope off a Bangkok bridge as an Italian tourist who committed suicide after being evicted from his guesthouse for not paying the rent.

General Jongrak Chuthanont, deputy police commissioner, identified the decapitated man as Maurizio Tosadori, 54, an architect from Verona, Italy.

Tosadori's head was found Sunday attached to a mountain-climbing rope hanging 5 metres below Bangkok's Rama VIII bridge, which crosses the Chao Phraya River in north-east Bangkok.

His body was found in the river Monday.

Jongrak said Tosadori had entered Thailand on February 6 from Cambodia. The Italian tourist had been asked to leave his guesthouse on Khao Sarn Road, a popular backpacker hangout in Bangkok, on Saturday after failing to pay the rent for two weeks.

Wimol Jaijong, the guesthouse owner, said Tosadori appeared to be frequently sick and had many medicines in his room.

Initially, foul play was suspected in Tosadori's death as police assumed the head had been left as a warning in an organized-crime-style slaying.

Thai doctors who conducted an autopsy said the most likely cause of death was suicide with the 5-metre drop and strong gravitational pull tearing the torso from the head, which remained tied to the rope.

The suicide theory appeared to be verified by a spray of blood on the side of the bridge found just above where the head was hanging.

"We are conducting a DNA test on the blood to verify it is Tosadori's," police Lieutenant Colonel Atcharat Haemthanon said.

But the identify of the person mentioned in Tosadori's apparent suicide note left on the bridge railing remained a mystery.

Written on the railing was the sentence in English, "Cath. I want but I cannot. ... I came to Bangkok to be with you."

Severed Head Update

2009-02-23T06:43:00.000-08:00

KC: Located a Khao Sod report on this story. The report shows a picture of the man's head and an of the message written in correction fluid, it clearly reads: 'I came to Bangkok to be you.' Khao Sod also reports that 'Cath, I want but I cannot' was the rest of the message.-

จำนวนคนอ่านล่าสุด 14376 คน

วันที่ 23 กุมภาพันธ์ พ.ศ. 2552 ปีที่ 18 ฉบับที่ 6661 ข่าวสดรายวัน
ฆ่าตัดคอ-หนุ่มฝรั่ง แขวน"หัว" สะพานพระราม8
สยองเมืองกรุง ตร.ไขคำอังกฤษ เขียนที่ราวเหล็ก มุ่งปมขัดมาเฟีย ลุยถนนข้าวสาร

สยอง- ศีรษะชายชาวต่างชาติ มีเชือกผูกแขวนกับสะพานพระราม 8 เป็นที่สยดสยองกลางแม่น้ำเจ้าพระยา โดยตำรวจเร่งสอบว่าเป็นการฆ่าตัดหัวแขวนประจาน หรือผูกคอฆ่าตัวตายแล้วเชือกบาดคอจนร่างขาด เมื่อวันที่ 22 ก.พ.

สยอง เมืองกรุงพบศีรษะ มนุษย์ถูกเชือกผูกห้อยอยู่ใต้สะพานพระราม 8 ตร.ชันสูตร พบเป็นศีรษะชาวต่างชาติ ผิวขาว ไว้ผมทรงสกินเฮด อายุประมาณ 40 ปี โดนเชือกผูกติดกับหนังคอใต้หูด้านซ้าย มีถุงผ้าร่มสีขาว สกรีนยี่ห้อ puma สีเขียว ผูกติดไว้กับเชือก นอกจากนี้ ยังพบหลักฐานสำคัญที่คนร้ายเขียนข้อความทิ้งไว้บนราวสะพาน ระบุว่า "ฉันต้องการแต่ฉันกลับไม่ได้ในสิ่งที่ต้องการ" และ "ฉันมากรุงเทพเพื่อพบคุณ" เป็นปริศนา ตร.เร่งหาพยาน ระบุคนร้ายต้องเป็นมืออาชีพมีความชำนาญในการใช้มีด

เมื่อเวลา 14.00 น. วันที่ 22 ก.พ. พ.ต.ท.อัชรัตน์ เหมทานนท์ พนักงานสอบสวน (สบ3) สน.บวรมงคล รับแจ้งเหตุพบศีรษะมนุษย์ผูกห้อยติดอยู่ที่บริเวณใต้สะพานพระราม 8 แขวงวัดสามพระยา เขตพระนคร กทม. จึงรุดไปตรวจสอบพร้อมพ.ต.อ.ชวลิต ประสพศิลป รอง ผบก.น.7 แพทย์ร.พ.ศิริราช เจ้าหน้าที่กองพิสูจน์หลักฐาน และมูลนิธิป่อเต็กตึ๊ง

ที่เกิดเหตุบนสะพานพระราม 8 ช่วงกลางสะพาน พบเชือกไนลอนขาว ขนาดเส้นผ่านศูนย์กลาง ประ มาณ 1 ซ.ม. ผูกติดกับราวสะพานด้านล่าง ทิ้งปลายอีกด้านหนึ่งลงไปใต้สะพาน ประมาณ 5 เมตร โดยมีเพียงศีรษะมนุษย์ห้อยผูกติดอยู่ที่ปลายเชือก ไม่มีลำตัว มีรอยเลือดกระเด็นติดอยู่ที่ตัวสะพานด้านใต้ อย่างน่าสยดสยอง จากการตรวจสอบพบว่าผู้ตายเป็นชายชาวต่างชาติ ไม่ทราบสัญชาติ ผิวขาว ไว้ผมทรงสกินเฮด อายุประมาณ 40 ปี โดยคนร้ายใช้เชือกผูกติดกับหนังคอใต้หูด้านซ้ายของผู้ตาย มีถุงผ้าร่มสีขาว สกรีนยี่ห้อ puma สีเขียว ผูกติดไว้กับเชือกเหนือศีรษะที่แขวนอยู่

ปริศนา- ข้อความปริศนา "I came to bangkok to be you." ซึ่งเขียนไว้ที่ราวสะพานพระราม 8 จุดที่พบศีรษะชายชาวต่างชาติแขวนไว้ โดยเบื้องต้นตำรวจรอผลพิสูจน์ว่าเป็นการฆ่าตัดหัวแล้วมาแขวน หรืออาจเป็นไปได้ว่าผู้ตายผูกคอโดดสะพานแล้วโดนเชือกบาดคอจนขาดเหลือแต่หัว ตามข่าว

โดยลักษณะการผูก เชือกผูกอย่างเป็นระเบียบ ต้องมีความรู้เรื่องเงื่อนการผูกอย่างดี เบื้องต้นแพทย์สันนิษ ฐานว่าเสียชีวิตมาแล้วไม่ต่ำกว่า 8 ชั่วโมง ที่บริเวณลำคอมีรอยฉีกขาดคล้ายถูกของมีคมตั้งแต่ลำคอจนถึงท้ายทอย กระดูกต้นคอขาดหาย ดวงตามีเลือดคลั่ง กะโหลกศีรษะไม่ผิดรูป หนังตาและใบหน้ากดไม่ลง นอกจากนี้ ยังพบข้อความเขียนเป็นภาอังกฤษบนราวสะพาน ด้วยเมจิกสีบรอนซ์เงิน ว่า "CATH" (แคท) "I want but I can not." (ฉันต้องการแต่ฉันกลับไม่ได้ในสิ่งที่ต้องการ) และ "I came to bangkok to be you." (ฉันมากรุงเทพเพื่อพบคุณ) เจ้าหน้าที่จึงเก็บเอาไว้เป็นหลักฐาน

พ. ต.อ.ชวลิตกล่าวว่า จากการตรวจสอบเบื้องต้นพบเพียงส่วนศีรษะ ซึ่งดูจากสภาพศพไม่น่าจะเป็นการฆ่าตัวตาย แต่จะต้องรอผลการผ่าพิสูจน์จากแพทย์อย่างละเอียด ว่าบาดแผลบริเวณลำคอเป็นการฉีกขาดออกจากลำตัวหรือไม่ หรือถูกตัดด้วยของมีคม ถ้าหากเป็นการฆ่าตัวตายโดยการผูกคอตาย ก็จะต้องรอให้พบส่วนลำตัวด้วย หลังจากนี้จะประสานขอตรวจสอบภาพในกล้องวงจรปิด ที่ติดตั้งอยู่บนสะพาน ซึ่งมีด้วยกัน 2 จุด เป็นกล้องของกรมโยธา และบก.02 เพื่อ ตรวจสอบว่าในระยะเวลา 8 ชั่วโมงที่ผ่านมา มีเหตุ การณ์อะไรเกิดขึ้นบนสะพานบ้าง และจะเชิญพยานแวดล้อมที่ปรากฏในกล้องวงจรปิดมาสอบปากคำด้วย เพื่อจะได้ทราบว่าผู้ตายเป็นใคร จึงอยากฝากสื่อมวล ชนช่วยลงภาพใบหน้าของผู้ตาย เพราะอาจจะมีญาติ คนรู้จัก หรือเคยพบเห็น ผู้ตายมาติดต่อแจ้งความ หรือให้ข้อมูลกับทางเจ้าหน้าที่ และจะประสานไปยังท้องที่ใกล้เคียงที่มีชาวต่างชาติพักอาศัยอยู่จำนวนมาก เช่น สน.ชนะสงคราม ว่ามีการแจ้งความบุคคลหายไว้หรือไม่ หากทราบว่าผู้ตายเป็นใครก็จะสามารถติดต่อญาติมาสอบปากคำเพื่อคลี่คลายคดีต่อ ไป

รายงานข่าวแจ้งว่า เจ้าหน้าที่ได้ทำการตรวจสอบกล้องวงจรปิดที่ติดตั้งอยู่บนสะพานพระราม 8 ซึ่งมีอยู่ประมาณ 6 ตัว ปรากฏว่าไม่มีการบันทึกเหตุการณ์ในช่วงเวลาดังกล่าวไว้ เนื่องจากอยู่ระหว่างการซ่อมบำรุง จึงทำให้การตรวจสอบศีรษะผู้ตายเป็นไปด้วยความยากลำบาก

ข่าวแจ้ง ด้วยว่า คดีนี้เป็นคดีอุกฉกรรจ์ซึ่งตำรวจชั้นผู้ใหญ่ให้ความสนใจ ผู้บังคับบัญชาระดับสูงจึงมีคำสั่งให้ตำรวจหลายหน่วย อาทิ ตำรวจท่องเที่ยว กองปราบปราม สน.ชนะสงคราม ศูนย์สืบสวนบช.น. เข้ามาร่วมคลี่คลายคดีแล้ว โดยได้นำภาพใบหน้าศพชาวต่างชาติดังกล่าว พริ้นแจกจ่ายเพื่อนำไปหาเบาะแสตามแหล่งพักอาศัย และแหล่งท่องเที่ยว อาทิ ถนนข้าวสาร ซอยคาวบอย สีลม และตามโรงแรมต่างๆ เพื่อตรวจหาว่าศีรษะดังกล่าวเป็นใคร รวมทั้งยังนำภาพดังกล่าวประสานเจ้าหน้าที่ตรวจคนเข้าเมือง เพื่อตรวจสอบใบหน้าจากพาสปอร์ตด้วย

สำหรับสภาพศีรษะผู้ตายจากการ ตรวจดูด้วยตาเปล่า เบื้องต้นเจ้าหน้าที่สันนิษฐานว่าบาดแผลดังกล่าวน่าจะถูกของมีคมบาดจนขาดออก จากกัน มากกว่าจะเป็นการจับศพรัดคอแล้วจับโยนทิ้งลงสะพานจนคอขาดออกจากกัน อย่างไรก็ตาม เจ้าหน้าที่ต้องรอผลการตรวจพิสูจน์อย่างละเอียดอีกครั้ง

ค่ำ วันเดียวกัน พ.ต.ท.อัชรัตน์ กล่าวอีกว่า เจ้าหน้า ที่ได้ประชุมกันแล้ว คาดว่าผู้ตายถูกฆ่ามาจากที่อื่น แล้วตัดหัวมาผูกเพื่อประจาน โดยแพทย์ได้ยืนยันมาแล้วว่าบาดแผลที่ตัดขาด มีลักษณะเป็นผิวเรียบ และผู้ที่กระทำการแบบนี้ได้ จะต้องเป็นคนชำนาญในอุป กรณ์ของที่ใช้ตัดจะต้องคมมาก นอกจากนี้ คนร้ายจะต้องมีความชำนาญในการผูกเงื่อน ที่สามารถทำให้เชือกผูกติดกับเนื้อเยื้อที่ศีรษะได้เป็นอย่างดี เพราะการผูกเชือกกับเนื้อแล้วหย่อนลงจากสะพานอาจทำให้หลุดได้ คดีนี้น่าเสียดายตรงที่กล้องวงจรปิดไม่สามารถบันทึกภาพได้ เพราะมีแต่กล้องสังเกตการจราจรเท่า นั้น บางทีเบื้องหลังเรื่องนี้อาจมาจากเรื่องขัดแย้งผลประโยชน์หรือไม่ก็แก๊งค้า ยาเสพติดก็เป็นได้

ผู้สื่อข่าวรายงานว่า วันเดียวกัน ตำรวจได้นำถุงพลาสติกที่ติดอยู่กับเชือกใกล้ศีรษะศพไปตรวจหาที่มาที่ไป ว่าอาจเป็นถุงพลาสติกที่ใช้ในโรงแรมแห่งใดแห่งหนึ่งก็เป็นได้

http://www.matichon.co.th/khaosod/view_news.php?newsid=TUROd01ERXdNVEl6TURJMU1nPT0=&sectionid=TURNd01RPT0=&day=TWpBd09TMHdNaTB5TXc9PQ==

The UK's Sun newspaper now also covering this story:

http://www.thesun.co.uk/sol/homepage/news/article2263849.ece

Severed Head

2009-02-22T21:03:00.000-08:00

KC-We live in grisly times. The Nation has reported the gruesome death of a foreigner in Bangkok whose head was found dangling five metres below Rama 8 bridge in Phra Nakhon district. The head was sealed in a plastic bag. The body has not yet been located. A strange, cryptic message was found scribbled on the bridge's railings in correction fluid. It read: 'I want but I cannot.... I came to Bangkok to be with you.' I will post more on this as it unravels. The man has not yet been identified.

Interestingly, the Bangkok Post reported a variation in the message: 'I want it but I didn't get what I want' and 'I came here to see you'.

Another variation on the message was: 'CATH I WANT BUT I CANNOT CAME TO BANGKOK TO BE YOU'.- Source TNA, 22/02/2009

HORROR IN CITY
Severed foreigner's head found hanging from a bridge

BANGKOK: -- Police on Sunday are trying to identify a man, believed to be a foreigner, whose head was found hanging from a rope at Rama IX Bridge in Phra Nakhon district. His body was still not found.

The head, belonging to man in his 40s, was tied to the rope and apparently put in a plastic bag and hung from the bridge's railing. When it was found at about 2pm, the plastic bag was detached from the head, revealing a gruesome sight. A doctor estimated that he had died for at least eight hours.

Two sentences, "I want but I cannot …," and "I came to Bangkok to be you," were found written on the bridge's railings.

Pol Col Chavalit Prasobsilp, a police chief, said that it was apparently not a suicide and he will wait for autopsy results before concluding how the head was cut from the body.

"We will check the security circuits at the bridge and see if anything related to the incident was captured," Chavalit said.

"We need to urgently know who is the victim," he said, requesting that the media published clear pictures of the victim's face to help police identify the victim.

-- The Nation 2009-02-22

Berserk Farang

2009-02-21T23:05:00.000-08:00

KC-Satirist Chris Morris' "twisted brain-wrong of a one-off man mental" was made flesh in Bangkok recently as a berserk drunken Australian went on the Sukhumvit rampage. Clearly inebriated with liquor the Aussie went ballistic, stealing beers from the 7-Eleven and commandeering a taxi, before being arrested and bundled into a police van. The confines of the small van only sought to enrage the individual even further and led to a full-blown assault on Thong Lor's boys in grey, who finally managed to subdue the man and promptly incarcerated him at a secure unit away from other prisoners. Obviously this story will only serve to feed the anti-farang sentiment which bubbles nervously behind -some- Thai smiles. A picture of the brute with his trousers round his ankles, his wee pecker saved from the lime-light by a superimposed dot, brings a truly horrible addition to the 'violent drunken foreigner' stereotypes and perceptions in the Thai media and psyche. It is indeed a shame that Thailand has more than its fair share of holidaying neanderthals. Let's hope the hairy animal is deported and never allowed to return, or sent to a forest monastery to be relentlessly soaked in Buddha Dharma until he is expunged of both violence and the poisonous brew that overpowered his senses.-

The Phuket Gazette has the full story:

Enraged Aussie pounds Bangkok police

BANGKOK: Life in Thailand can sometimes get a bit frustrating for expats when things don't quite work out as they would in their home countries. This, coupled with the booze-heavy lifestyle enjoyed by a fair percentage of Westerners living in the Kingdom, occasionally leads to “Angry Farang Syndrome”.

A prime example occurred one afternoon last month outside Thong Lor Police Station. Station Superintendent Col Suthin Sapphuang was sitting in his office around 3 pm, when he heard a commotion from outside the station. When he got downstairs, he found the noise emanated from a large middle-aged Westerner who was busy beating the inside of a police van with such fury, that none of the watching officers dared to go near.

Col Suthin ordered his deputy and three inspectors to go and try and calm the 50-year-old man, identified by name in the original report, but referred to here only as “the Aussie”.

After the officers’ efforts to calm the Aussie down failed, they decided that a dose of pepper spray might do the trick. After the Aussie was liberally doused with the noxious spray, police decided he was calm enough for them to dare open the door. However, as soon as police had the Aussie out of the truck, he exploded again, freeing himself from the clutches of the officers and going on a rampage, chasing and punching as many policemen as he could.

The enraged Australian managed to injure a number of officers before he was finally overpowered, in the process of which he, disturbingly, lost his trousers. The photo of the incident in the Thai press shows the Aussie with his trousers round his ankles, his dignity somewhat spared by a small superimposed red dot.

To view the image, click here.

The Aussie was bundled to the ground by the officers, and the group then rolled into the gutter. In acknowledgement to the Aussie’s determination, it took six officers to keep him subdued long enough to get the cuffs on.

The Aussie was initially arrested following a complaint by a taxi driver that the Australian had stolen his cab. The taxi driver, Phanomphon Pranison, 40, told police that earlier that day he had picked up the Aussie opposite Sukhumvit Soi 16. The Aussie didn’t say where he wanted to go, but when they got to opposite Soi 22, the Aussie asked to stop so he could go to 7-Eleven. A few moments later, the Aussie got back in the cab clutching two bottles of beer. In hot pursuit was a member of staff from the shop shouting that the Aussie had not paid for the beer. When Mr Phanomphon got out of the car, the Aussie climbed into the driver’s seat and took off in the taxi, Mr Phanomphon said.

Mr Phanomphon reported the crime and police soon caught up with the Aussie, putting him in the cells at Thong Lor Police station. The Aussie, however, did not take his confinement lightly. He caused such a commotion that police began to fear for the safety of other prisoners, or worryingly, that other prisoners would take it upon themselves stop to the Aussie’s antics. They decided to take him to the cells at nearby Phra Khanom Court, which is when he began attacking the police truck.

The Aussie was initially to be charged with theft and immigration offences. The report did not say if any charges would be added for his post-arrest behavior.

http://www.phuketgazette.net/queernews/index.asp?ref=200922111432

Milky Milky

2009-02-21T00:28:00.000-08:00

KC-Is nothing sacred from the selfish greed of Thailand's corrupt? Now even school milk, given to children for essential sustenance is tainted with the impurities of the unscrupulous. The milk was 'substandard' according to the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), which may have been a factor in the recent widespread repulsion towards the beverage amongst Bangkok's pupils. Speculation that flavoured milk could be introduced to persuade the children's palettes was criticized as counter-productive as most flavoured milk contains a miasma of e-numbers and colourings. On the back of the rotten canned fish debacle of recent weeks, this is a further embarrassment for the Abhisit government whose hollow anti-corruption rhetoric continues to reverberate throughout the media in the midst of these scandals. One can only hope the individuals distributing dodgy milk to innocent children are bought to justice and made to suckle on the teats of goats for their heinous crimes.-

An anti-graft agency is gearing up for a nationwide investigation into school milk supplies after its probe into the scandal in Chumphon uncovered possible price collusion in the scheme.

The secretary-general of the Office of the Public Sector Anti-Corruption Commission (PACC), Tharit Pengdit, said the inquiry into the selection of milk suppliers in Chumphon has suggested irregularities in the bidding process.

Of 18 eligible suppliers, only two tendered bids. One of them quoted an unusually high price while the other offered the median price and won the contract to supply the milk.

Moreover, the two suppliers are apparently owned by the same individuals, said Mr Tharit.

"Price collusion is suspected in this case. So the PACC is prepared to launch an investigation into the bidding process for the school milk scheme across the country. We will choose [schools for the probe] at random. The findings should give us the big picture," he said.

The school milk scandal emerged when the director of Pak Lek school in Chumphon's Phato district complained that milk distributed to his students under the scheme was below standard.

His suspicions were confirmed by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), which ran lab tests on the milk samples and found the fat level was only 2.6 per cent, below the FDA standard of 3.2 per cent.

These findings have triggered speculation about corruption in the school milk project which is run by local administrative organisations.

The local bodies are required to buy pasteurised milk from eligible suppliers in zones selected by the National Dairy Committee and the Interior Ministry's Provincial Administration Department.

Mr Tharit said a requirement for the local organisations to buy milk only from within their zones is deemed to have opened up channels for price collusion among the suppliers.

Deputy Interior Minister Boonjong Wongtrairat said yesterday he welcomed changes, if any, to the bidding rules to spur competition among milk suppliers.

He urged the local administrative bodies to submit a proposal to the National Dairy Committee.

He said the ministry would monitor the scheme closely and take action against state officials found involved in irregularities.

Meanwhile, the Dairy Farming Promotion Organisation of Thailand (DPO), which produces the Thai-Danish milk brand, yesterday called on the government to seek ways to relieve its excess inventory of UHT milk worth 200 million baht for the school milk scheme.

"If we can't solve this problem, we may face losses this year," said Sunun Keeratiwattanapisarn, a director of the DPO board.

The DPO, a government-controlled organisation, acts as a buyer of excess supplies of raw milk from farmers as part of a relief plan. But it can help buy only 40 per cent of the oversupply, which is expected at 280 tonnes a day. Some statistics show the oversupply of raw milk can reach 400 tonnes a day.

Amnaj Theeravanich, the board chairman, said the oversupply is exacerbated by imports of milk powder whose price is cheaper than raw milk. Manufacturers prefer milk powder for commercial production. The problem also stemmed from cold weather in the past months which made cows produce more milk.

He said the DPO also has to shoulder the financial burden from the purchase of excess supplies for the school milk programme. It needs to borrow 185 million baht from the Farmers Aid Fund for the milk purchases.

"It is hard for us to run our operations these days. We act as a government agency to buy excess milk supplies from the farmers but at the same time we have to strengthen our brand and marketing strategy," Mr Amnaj said.

In a related development, Chantana Ungchusak, manager of a campaign to reduce sugar intake among children, yesterday urged the government not to change from unsweetened milk to flavoured milk.

Her call came amid suggestions that schools buy flavoured milk for children who had turned away from fresh milk due to the substandard product scandal.

"The problem is not that the children do not enjoy the milk. It is with the manufacturers who produce substandard milk. That's why the children do not drink it," she said.

http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/136744/milk-scandal-grows-into-corruption-probe